From Liberation to Domination: How Africa’s Aging Presidents Hold on to Power

Sub-Saharan Africa today still counts multiple “presidents for life.” For example, Cameroon’s Paul Biya (in power since 1982), Uganda’s Yoweri Museveni (since 1986), Rwanda’s Paul Kagame (since 2000), Equatorial Guinea’s Teodoro Obiang (since 1979), Congo’s Denis Sassou-Nguesso (since 1997), Eritrea’s Isaias Afwerki (since 1993), and Togo’s Faure Gnassingbé (since 2005) have each extended their tenure well beyond fifteen years.

These leaders often exploit constitutional loopholes or force to stay in power: indeed, at least two dozen African heads of state have tried to evade term limits since 2000. We examine how each has maintained power by crushing dissent and rigging polls, even as they claim to deliver stability or progress. Importantly, public opinion overwhelmingly favors term limits, and governance indices rank many of these countries as effectively authoritarian.

Cameroon – Paul Biya (1982–present)

Paul Biya has led Cameroon since 1982. He abolished presidential term limits in 2008 and has since won elections by implausible margins. In the October 2018 vote, official returns gave Biya 71% of the vote (opposition leader Maurice Kamto 14%) in a contest marred by irregularities and boycotts. (Kamto’s party even accused government troops of ballot-stuffing, charging that “troops sent… to protect civilians were instead stuffing ballot boxes to favor the ruling CPDM”.) In the 2020 local elections Biya’s CPDM party won roughly 300 of 380 council seats, often running unopposed in polls where fewer than 30% of eligible voters cast ballots. Surveys show many Cameroonians view their democracy as dysfunctional, and the Anglophone separatist war since 2016 is widely seen as a symptom of political failure under Biya’s long rule.

After the 2018 election Kamto and about 200 of his supporters were arrested for protesting. Observers say Cameroon now functions as a de facto one-party state, with frequent bans on opposition rallies and tight media controls. Biya’s supporters credit him with decades of stability and some infrastructure projects, but critics note that these gains have coincided with severe democratic erosion.

Uganda – Yoweri Museveni (1986–present)

Uganda’s Yoweri Museveni has ruled since ousting the previous regime in 1986. (By contrast, a 2021 Afrobarometer survey found 70% of Ugandans favor a two-term presidential limit.) Museveni abolished term limits in 2005 and an age limit in 2017 to secure his continued reelection. In the January 2021 election Museveni officially won 58.6% of the vote to Bobi Wine’s 34.8%. The campaign was marred by violence and repression: security forces repeatedly broke up opposition rallies (one late-2020 crackdown killed at least 50 people). Telecom regulators then cut off the internet for five days around election day, severely hampering opposition communication. Bobi Wine was arrested multiple times (including being placed under house arrest on election day). Observers found the vote did not meet basic standards: opposition leaders decried ballot-stuffing and disenfranchisement. Freedom House notes Museveni’s government has “harassed, intimidated, and arrested” opposition figures to maintain NRM dominance. Nevertheless, supporters point out that Uganda achieved several years of rapid growth and improved public health under Museveni, attributing this to his early reforms. Critics counter that those gains slowed once competition vanished, arguing Museveni’s era is better described as one-party rule than true democracy.

Rwanda – Paul Kagame (2000–present)

Paul Kagame, who led the army that ended the 1994 genocide, became Rwanda’s president in 2000. He has focused on rebuilding the nation: Rwanda’s GDP growth has often exceeded 8% annually, and social indicators (literacy, immunization) have risen sharply. Britannica notes Kagame was “lauded for making notable gains, such as fostering a consistently strong economy and having improved social conditions”. However, Rwanda’s elections have produced near-unanimous official victories for Kagame. In the 2010 vote he was credited with 93% of the vote (his sole opponent 5%), with reported turnout over 95%. In 2017 and 2024 he garnered roughly 98–99%. Opposition and independent media are heavily restricted: outlets have been shut down and critics jailed or exiled. Observers note that praise for Rwanda’s progress is “tempered by criticism of Kagame’s intolerance of political dissent and media freedom”. Kagame’s supporters argue Rwanda is far more stable and prosperous than it was in 1994, but many analysts say those gains came at the cost of virtually no political freedom.

Equatorial Guinea – Teodoro Obiang (1979–present)

Teodoro Obiang has ruled Equatorial Guinea since overthrowing his uncle in 1979. He has won every election by landslide (93.7% in 2016, 94.9% in 2022) amid no real opposition. Equatorial Guinea’s oil wealth makes its GDP per capita among Africa’s highest, but an ISS report emphasizes that “wealth is distributed extremely unevenly”: less than half the population has clean water and one in twelve children die before age five. Most oil revenues line the pockets of Obiang and his inner circle. Political dissent is brutally crushed: reports of torture, enforced disappearances, and unlawful arrests are routine. Obiang has introduced token reforms (a 2014 “national dialogue,” the 2022 abolition of the death penalty) but real power remains firmly with the president. In short, ordinary Equatoguineans see few benefits of their country’s wealth, while living under one of the world’s most repressive regimes.

Congo-Brazzaville – Denis Sassou-Nguesso (1997–present)

Denis Sassou-Nguesso returned to power in the Republic of Congo (Brazzaville) after a 1997 civil war and has ruled ever since. In 2015 he championed a referendum that removed presidential term and age limits. He then won the 2016 and 2021 elections by overwhelming margins (officially 60% and 88%) in polls marked by opposition boycotts and internet blackouts. In the 2022 legislative elections his party took 112 of 151 seats, leaving only a few opposition deputies. Freedom House notes Sassou-Nguesso “has maintained nearly uninterrupted power for over 40 years by severely repressing the opposition”. Prominent opponents including retired Gen. Jean-Marie Mokoko and MP André Okombi Salissa received 20-year prison terms on politically motivated charges. His defenders credit him with restoring order after the 1990s wars and with some economic reforms in the 2000s, but Congo’s development remains weak and corruption is endemic. Today, Congo’s voters have virtually no real choice in elections.

Eritrea – Isaias Afwerki (1993–present)

Isaias Afwerki became Eritrea’s president in 1993 (when Eritrea got her independence) and has never faced a contested election. The 1997 constitution (voted by parliament) was never implemented, and the transitional assembly last met in 2002. The PFDJ (Afwerki’s party) remains the sole legal party. Freedom House calls Eritrea a “militarized authoritarian state”: in practice citizens endure indefinite military or civil service and a total media blackout since 2001. Anyone who publicly criticizes the regime risks indefinite detention (many political prisoners have reportedly died in custody). International observers rank Eritrea among the world’s most repressive countries. Afwerki’s government cites national security and unity, but to ordinary Eritreans his rule means perpetual repression with no democratic outlets.

Togo – Faure Gnassingbé (2005–present)

Faure Gnassingbé inherited Togo’s presidency from his father in 2005. He won elections in 2010 and 2015 with about 59% of the vote, though these contests were widely criticized by observers. In response to protests in 2017–18, the government passed a two-term limit in 2019 but it applied only to future mandates, allowing Gnassingbé to run again. He then claimed roughly 70% in the disputed 2020 election. In 2024 Togo adopted a new constitution creating a prime minister (President of the Council) as head of government. Under the new rules, Gnassingbé’s UNIR party won nearly all legislative seats and he became the first President of the Council, effectively preserving his grip on power. Opposition parties and protesters have faced police crackdowns and arrests during election seasons. Gnassingbé’s backers point to resumed international aid (the EU lifted some sanctions after 2007) and infrastructure projects as signs of progress. But critics say he has consolidated power and effectively reset his term count indefinitely.

The pattern is the same across these countries

Across these cases the pattern is striking: elections are formally held, but incumbents nearly always win, often 70–99% of the vote. Opponents are routinely jailed or exiled. Defenders of these regimes tout stability or development: for example, Uganda saw years of growth and health gains under Museveni, and Rwanda rebuilt rapidly after the genocide. However, international metrics paint a bleaker picture. Freedom House ranks all these countries “Not Free.” The Economist Intelligence Unit notes nearly two dozen sub-Saharan states are effectively authoritarian under entrenched leaders. African public opinion reflects this demand for change: Afrobarometer finds 76% of citizens favor strict presidential term limits. For instance, Equatorial Guinea now has one of Africa’s highest GDPs per capita, yet ranks 145th on the UN’s human development index, illustrating how enormous wealth under Obiang has not improved ordinary lives. In sum, any development gains under these long-serving presidents have come alongside hollowed-out institutions. Analysts note that indefinite tenure tends to corrode checks and fuel unrest. African publics clearly want more accountability as one observer remarks, the continent’s stability depends on leaders eventually stepping aside. For now, all the presidents above remain in office but their continued dominance faces growing question marks as citizens and civil society press for genuine change.